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Essay

The Point of Order

Credit...Illustration by Javier Jaén

The question of whom the police serve, and whose order they impose, is once again up for debate. But it is as old as policing itself. A political cartoon by Charles Jameson Grant, sold for a penny or two on the streets of London around 1834, depicts the British secretary of state addressing members of London’s recently formed Metropolitan Police Force. “My lads,” he says, “you are always justified in breaking the heads of the public when you consider it absolutely necessary for the maintenance of the public peace.” The assembled constables, a rough-looking crew, appear perfectly capable of such a task. “By Jasus I wish your honor would give us a few throats to cut,” one says, “for we have had enough of breaking heads.”

Just about five years old at the time, the Metropolitan Police had already earned a handful of unflattering nicknames, as noted in the cartoon’s title: “Reviewing the Blue Devils, Alias the Raw Lobsters, Alias the Bludgeon Men.” Britain’s soldiers were colloquially known as lobsters, because they wore red coats, so in an effort to quiet fears that the police would be a kind of occupying army, the Metropolitan Police wore blue instead. Many early opponents of the police suspected that the difference was only cosmetic; they worried that it would take only a little hot water for the men in blue to show their true color.

London in the early 19th century was a sprawling and disorderly metropolis, divided into scores of parishes, each responsible for hiring its own night watchmen and constables. In cases of great civil disturbance, order was restored by the army. In 1829, after years of opposition, the home secretary, Sir Robert Peel, finally persuaded Parliament to institute a professional police force in the rapidly growing areas around the capital. Skeptics saw the police as a tyrannical import from the Continent; Paris, Vienna, Berlin and St. Petersburg had already created local police forces, and they were regarded as agents of state oppression. To address these criticisms, Peel took pains to distinguish his nascent police and demonstrate that the Met would be answerable to the people, not the king or private interests. Not only would they wear blue, but, like many ordinary citizens, they would also sport top hats. And they would not, except in rare circumstances, carry firearms.

Peel’s vision was highly influential in the formation of the New York City Police Department in 1845, and he is now regarded as a father of modern policing. Peel’s name is perhaps best known in association with the nine principles of policing, which remain fixtures in police academies throughout the English-speaking world.

The first of these principles outlines the role of police in society: “To prevent crime and disorder, as an alternative to their repression by military force.” But in pursuing the first principle, officers must also remember the second: “The power of the police to fulfill their functions and duties is dependent on public approval of their existence, actions and behavior, and on their ability to secure and maintain public respect.” The democratic nature of the institution is further emphasized in the seventh principle, which states that “police are the public and that the public are the police, the police being only members of the public who are paid to give full-time attention to duties which are incumbent on every citizen in the interests of community welfare and existence.”

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The Political Drama. No. 11, “Reviewing the blue devils, alias the raw lobsters, alias the bludgeon men,” 1834, by Charles Jameson Grant.Credit...The British Library Board

The British Parliament at the time of the foundation of London’s Metropolitan Police Force was dominated by landed aristocrats and business interests. Facing pressure from the disenfranchised middle and lower classes, Parliament passed the Reform Act of 1832, extending the vote to middle-class landowners while continuing to exclude the poor. In subsequent years, an increasingly organized working class kept the pressure on, often through large demonstrations. In 1833, nearly half the police force, or about 1,700 men, were deployed to a demonstration of as many as 4,000 people called by the National Union of the Working Classes. The event devolved into violence on both sides, and one constable was killed. Assigned to keep order in such a charged environment, the police were inevitably viewed as political.

Peel and his two police commissioners, Lt. Col. Charles Rowan and Barrister Richard Mayne, understood that the success of this new order-keeping force depended on the impression that this was not the case. “The force should not only be, in fact, but be believed to be impartial in action, and should act on principle,” Rowan and Mayne wrote in their first report to Peel. But when the police were deployed by a government answerable only to the top 20 percent of the population, their implicit politics were unavoidable, even when police conduct was exemplary.

The police soon took on duties like telling vagrants to move along and regulating public drinking, gambling and other forms of vice frowned upon by the ascendant classes. The vision of order so appealing to business and property owners could easily look like repression to those on the other end of the constable’s truncheon. Rowan and Mayne stressed the need for their force to be solicitous of “respectable” citizens. Those who did not meet this standard often felt the police were working against them rather than for them.

The attribution of the nine principles to Peel himself is historically dubious — it’s more likely that they were written by Rowan and Mayne and credited to him — but that does nothing to diminish their continuing influence. Chief among Peel’s modern-day disciples is William J. Bratton, the police commissioner of New York City. Bratton refers to Peel constantly, even claiming to always carry a copy of the nine principles with him.

At a $1,250-a-table business breakfast forum in the Roosevelt Hotel in Midtown Manhattan in September, Bratton once again invoked the foundational text, dwelling little on the document’s focus on humility and egalitarianism and instead expounding largely on the first principle.

“In the ’60s, ’70s and ’80s, we as a country, and a profession, drifted away from the emphasis on prevention and focused most of our time on trying to respond to the growing crime and disorder problems,” Bratton said. “And we failed. We also almost totally abandoned the idea that our role is also to prevent disorder, the so-called quality of life.” The resulting chaos, he argued, gave way to the sky-high crime rates of the early 1990s. “A safe city means business thrives,” Bratton told the assembled business leaders, as they erupted into applause.

During his first term as police commissioner, under Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, Bratton pioneered the “broken windows” style of policing, focusing on relentless enforcement of minor violations, a strategy widely credited for the city’s dramatic drop in crime. Not all New Yorkers have had such unqualified enthusiasm for the N.Y.P.D.’s imposition of order. Mayor Bill de Blasio rode into office last year after campaigning against the department’s stop-and-frisk policy, which overwhelmingly affected black and Latino New Yorkers. Nearly 90 percent of those stopped were innocent of any wrongdoing. Recently, long-simmering frustrations with broken-windows policing boiled over into protests when news broke that there would be no charges in the death of Eric Garner, who perished in an encounter with law enforcement that began because he was suspected of selling loose cigarettes.

Most people now think of the police primarily in their role of crime fighting. But it is at least as much their other original mandate, the prevention of disorder, that perpetuates the suspicion many hold for them. Order is a subjective thing, and the people who define it are not often the people who experience its imposition. In the 186-year history of modern policing, class and race have always shaded how citizens feel about the agents of law enforcement. From 19th-century London, through Jim Crow and the civil rights era, to the age of broken windows and stop-and-frisk, the definition of the public to whom the police are accountable has constantly shifted. Peel’s apocryphal principles, like so many of our foundational documents, remain more aspirational than descriptive.

Nick Pinto is a journalist living in Brooklyn.

A version of this article appears in print on  , Page 13 of the Sunday Magazine with the headline: The Point of Order. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

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